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ANCIENT CHINA SIMPLIFIED
ANCIENT CHINA SIMPLIFIED EDWARD HARPER PARKER PROFESSOR OF CHINESE AT THE VICTORIA UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER
LONDON
PREFACE
Boswell once remarked to Dr. Johnson that "the history of England
is so strange that if it were not well vouched as it is it would
be hardly credible." To which Johnson replied in his usual style:
"Sir if it were told as shortly and with as little preparation
for introducing the different events as the history of the Jewish
kings it would be equally liable to objections of improbability."
Dr. Johnson went on to illustrate what he meant by specific
allusion to the concessions to Parliament made by Charles I. "If"
he said "these had been related nakedly without any detail of
the circumstances which generally led to them they would not have
been believed."
This is exactly the position of ancient Chinese history which may
be roughly said to coincide in time with the history of the Jewish
kings. The Chinese Annals are mere diaries of events isolated
facts being tumbled together in order of date without any regard
for proportion. Epoch-making invasions defeats and cessions of
territory are laconically noted down on a level with the prince's
indiscretion in weeping for a concubine as he would weep for a
wife; or the Emperor's bounty in sending a dish of sacrificial
meat to a vassal power by express messenger. In one way there is a
distinct advantage in this method for the historian being seldom
tempted to obtrude his own opinion or comments we are left a
clear course for the formation of our own judgments upon the facts
given. On the other hand it is unfortunate that what may be
called the philosophy of history has never been seized by the
Chinese mind: the annalists do not trouble themselves with the
rights and aspirations of the masses; the results to general
policy that naturally follow upon increase of population
perfecting of arms and munitions of war admixture of foreign
blood with the body politic and such like matters. The heads of
events being noted it seems to be left to the reader to fill in
the details from his imagination and from his knowledge of
contemporary affairs. For instance suppose the reign of Queen
Victoria were to begin after this fashion:--"1837 5th moon
Kalends Victoria succeeded: 9th moon Ides Napoleon paid a
visit: 28th day London flooded; 10th moon 29th day eclipse of
the sun"; and so on. At the time and for many years--possibly
centuries--afterwards there would be accurate general traditional
or even written information as to who Victoria was; why Napoleon
paid a visit; in what particular way the flood affected England generally;
from what parts the eclipse was best visible etc. These details would
fade in distinctness with each successive generation; commentators
would come to the rescue; then commentators upon commentators;
and discussions as to which man was the most trustworthy of them all.
Under these circumstances it is difficult enough for the Chinese
themselves to construct a series of historical lessons adequate
to guide them in the conduct of modern affairs out of so
heterogeneous a mass of material. This difficulty is in the case
of Westerners more than doubled by the strange and to us
inharmonious sounds of Chinese proper names: moreover as they
are monosyllabical and many of them exactly similar when
expressed in our letters it is almost impossible to remember
them and to distinguish one from the other. Thus most persons who
make an honest endeavour by means of translations to master the
leading events in ancient Chinese history soon throw down the book
in despair; while even specialists who may wish to shorten their
labours by availing themselves of others' work can only get a
firm grip of translations by comparing them with the originals: it
is thus really impossible to acquire anything at all approaching
an accurate understanding of Chinese antiquity without possessing
in some degree the controlling power of a knowledge of the
pictographs.
It is in view of all these difficulties that an attempt has been
made in this book to extract principles from isolated facts; to
avoid so far as is possible the use of Chinese proper names; to
introduce these as sparingly and gradually as is practicable when
they must be used at all; to describe the general trend of events
and life of the people rather than the personal acts of rulers and
great officers; and generally to put it into the power of any
one who can only read English to gain an intelligible notion of
what Chinese antiquity really was; and what principles and
motives declared or tacit underlay it. It is with this object
before me that I have ventured to call my humble work "Ancient
China Simplified" and I can only express a hope that it will
really be found intelligible.
EDWARD HARPER PARKER.
18 GAMBIER TERRACE LIVERPOOL May 18 1908.
AIDS TO MEMORY
There is much repetition in the book the same facts being
presented for instance under the heads of Army Religion
Confucius and Marriages. This is intentional and the object is
to keep in the mind impressions which in a strange ancient and
obscure subject are apt to disappear after perusal of only one or
two casual statements.
The Index has been carefully prepared so that any allusion or
statement vaguely retained in the mind may at once be confirmed.
The chapter headings or contents list which itself contains
nearly five per cent of the whole letterpress is so arranged that
it omits no feature treated of in the main text.
In the earlier chapters uncouth proper names are reduced to a
minimum but the Index refers by name to specific places and
persons only generally mentioned in the earlier pages. For
instance the states of Lu and CHENG on pages 22 and 29: it is
hard enough to differentiate Ts'i Tsin Ts'in and Ts'u at the
outstart without crowding the memory with fresh names until the
necessity for it absolutely arises.
The nine maps are inserted where they are most likely to be
useful: it is a good plan to refer to a map each time a place is
mentioned unless the memory suffices to suggest exactly where
that place is. After two or three patient references situations
of places will take better root in the mind.
The chapters are split up into short discussions and descriptions
because longer divisions are apt to be tedious where ancient
history is concerned. And the narrative of political movement is
frequently interrupted by the introduction of new matter in order
to provide novelty and stimulate the imagination. Moreover all
chapters and all subjects converge on one general focus.
On page 15 of "China her Diplomacy etc." (John Murray 1901) I
have confessed how tedious I myself had found ancient Chinese
history and how its human interest only begins with foreign
relations. I have however gone systematically through the mill
once more and my present object is to present general results
only obtainable at the cost of laboriously picking out and
resetting isolated and often apparently unconnected records of
fact.
NAMES OF CHIEF LOCALITIES
CHOU: at first a principality in South Shen Si and part of Kan
Suh subject to Shang dynasty; afterwards the imperial dynasty
itself.
TS'lN: principality west of the above. When the Chou dynasty moved
its capital east into Ho Nan Ts'in took possession of the old
Chou principality.
TSIN: principality (same family as Chou) in South Shan Si (and in
part of Shen Si at times).
TS'I: principality separated by the Yellow River from Tsin and
Yen; it lay in North Shan Tung and in the coast part of Chih Li.
TS'U: semi-barbarous principality alone preponderant on the Yang-
tsz River.
WU: still more barbarous principality (ruling caste of the same
family as Chou but senior to Chou) on the Yang-tsz _embouchure_
and Shanghai coasts.
YUeEH: equally barbarous principality commanding another
_embouchure_ in the Hangchow-Ningpo region. Wu and Yueeh were
at first subordinate to Ts'u.
YEN: principality (same family as Chou) in the Peking plain north
of the Yellow River mouth
SHUH and PA: in no way Chinese or federal; equivalent to Central
and Eastern Sz Ch'wan province.
CHENG: principality in Ho Nan (same family as Chou).
SUNG: principality taking in the four corners of Ho Nan Shan
Tung An Hwei and Kiang Su (Shang dynasty family).
CH'EN: principality in Ho Nan south of Sung (family of the
Ploughman Emperor 2250 B.C. preceding even the Hia dynasty).
WEI: principality taking in corners of Ho Nan Chih Li and Shan
Tung (family of the Chou emperors).
TS'AO: principality in South-west Shan Tung; neighbour of Lu Wei
and Sung (same family as Chou).
TS'AI: principality in Ho Nan south of CH'EN (same family as
Chou).
LU: principality in South-west Shan Tung between Ts'ao and Ts'i
(its founder was the brother of the Chou founder).
HUe: very small principality in Ho Nan south of Cheng (same
obscure eastern ancestry as Ts'i)
K'I: Shan Tung promontory and German sphere (of Hia dynasty
descent); it is often confused with or is quite the same as
another principality called _Ki_ (without the aspirate).
The above are practically all the states whose participation in
Chinese development has been historically of importance
NAMES OF CHIEF PERSONAGES
CONFUCIUS: after 500 B.C. premier of Lu; traced his descent back
through the Chou dynasty vassal ruling family of Sung to the Shang
dynasty family.
TSZ-CH'AN: elder contemporary of Confucius; premier of Cheng;
traced his descent through the vassal ruling family of Cheng to
the Chou dynasty family: date of death variously stated.
KWAN-TSE: died between 648 and 643 B.C. variously stated; premier
of Ts'i; traced his descent to the same clan as the ruling dynasty
of Chou.
YEN-TSZ: died 500 B.C.; premier of Ts'i; traced his descent to a
local clan apparently eastern barbarian by origin.
WEI YANG: died 338 B.C.; premier of Ts'in; was a concubine-born
prince of the vassal state of Wei and was thus of the imperial
Chou dynasty clan.
SHUH HIANG: lawyer and minister of Tsin; belonged to one of the
"great families" of Tsin; was contemporary with Tsz-ch'an. HIANG
SUeH: diplomat of the state of Sung; pedigree not ascertained
KI-CHAH: son brother and uncle of successive barbarian kings of
Wu whose ancestors however were the same ancestors as the
orthodox imperial rulers of the Chou dynasty; contemporary of Tsz-
ch'an.
NAMES OF THE SO-CALLED "FIVE PROTECTORS"
(ONLY THE TWO FIRST OF THE FIVE WERE SO OFFICIALLY; THE TWO LAST
WERE SO EVEN OFFICIALLY THOUGH NEVER COUNTED AMONGST THE FIVE.)
1. MARQUESS OF Ts'i (not of imperial Chou clan perhaps of
"Eastern Barbarian" origin).
2. MARQUESS OF TSIN (imperial Chou clan).
3. DUKE OF SUNG (imperial Shang dynasty descent)
4. "KING" OF T'SU (semi-barbarian but with remote imperial
Chinese legendary descent).
5. EARL OF TS'IN (semi-Tartar with legendary descent from remote
imperial Chinese).
6. "KING" OF Wu (semi-barbarian but of imperial Chou family
descent).
7. "KING" OF YUeEH (barbarian but with legendary descent from
ultra-remote imperial Chinese).
CONTENTS
CHAPTER I
_OPENING SCENES_
Beginning of dated history--Size of ancient China--Parcelled out
into fiefs--Fiefs correspond to modern _hien_ districts--
Mesne lords and sub-vassals--Method of migration and colonizing--
Course of the Yellow River in 842 B.C.--Distant fiefs in Shan Tung
and Chih Li provinces of to-day--A river which subsequently became
part of the Grand Canal--The Hwai River system of waters--
Europeans always regard China from the sea inwards--Corea Japan
and Liao Tung unknown in 842 B.C. except perhaps to the vassal
state in Peking plain--Orthodox Chinese adopting barbarian usages
in Shan Tung--Eastern barbarians on the coast to Shanghai--No
knowledge of South or West Asia--Left bank of Yellow River was
mostly Tartar except in South Shan Si--Ancient capital in Shan
Si--Ancient colonization of the Wei River valleys in Shen Si--
Possibilities of Western ideas having been carried by Tartar
horsemen from Persia and Turkestan--Traditions of western
eastern and southern intercourse previous to 842 B.C.--Early
knowledge of the River Yang-tsz and its three mouths--Explorations
by ancient emperors--Development of China followed much the same
normal course as that of Greece or England.
CHAPTER II
_SHIFTING SCENES_
Character of the early colonizing Chinese satraps--Revolt of the
western satrap and flight of the Emperor in 842 B.C.--Daughter of
a later satrap marries the Emperor--Tartars mix up with questions
of imperial succession and kill the Emperor--Transfer of the
imperial metropolis from Shen Si to Ho Nan--The Chou dynasty
dating from 1122 B.C.--Before its conquest the vassal house of
Chou occupied the same relation to the imperial dynasty of Shang
that the Wardens of the Western Marches or Princes of Ts'in did
in turn to the imperial dynasty of Chou--The Shang dynasty had in
1766 B.C. for like reasons supplanted the Hia dynasty-No events
of great interest recorded in limited area of China before 771
B.C.--Decline of the imperial power until its extinction in 250
B.C.--The Five Tyrant or Protector period--Natural movement to
keep pace with political development--Easier system of writing--
Development of trade and industry--Living interests clash with
extinct aspirations--From 722 B.C. to 480 B.C. is the period of
change covered by Confucius' history
CHAPTER III
_THE NORTHERN POWERS_
The state of Tsin in Shan Si--In 771 B.C.: its ruler escorts the
Emperor to his new capital--Only in 671 B.C. does Confucius
mention Tsin--Divided from Ts'in by the Yellow River--Important
difference between the sounds Tsin and Ts'in--Importance of the
whole Yellow River as a natural boundary--The state of Ts'i also
engaged in buffer work against Tartar inroads--Remote origin of
Ts'i-Ts'in Tsin and Ts'i grow powerful as the Emperor grows
weaker--The state of Yen in the Peking plain--The founder of Yen
immortalized in song--Complete absence of tradition concerning
Yen's origin--Its possible relations with Corea and Japan--Centre
of political gravity transferred for ever to the north--Tartar
movements in Asia generally 800-600 B.C.--Never was a Tarter
empire--Reason for using the loose word "Tartars"--Race divisions
then probably very much as now--Attempt to classify the Tartars in
definite groups--Ch'wan unknown by any name--Nothing at all was
known in China of the north and west: _a fortiori_ of Central
Asia
CHAPTER IV
_THE SOUTHERN POWER_
The collapse of the Emperor led to restlessness in the south too--
The Jungle country south of the River Han--Ancient origin of its
kings--Claim to equality--Buffer state to the south--Ruling caste
consisted of educated Chinese--Extension of the Ts'u empire--
Annamese connections--Claims repeated 704 B.C.--Capital moved to
King-thou Fu near Sha-shi--First Ts'u conquests of China--Five
hundred years of struggle with Ts'in for the possession of all
China
CHAPTER V
_EVIDENCE OF ECLIPSES_
How far is history true?--Confucius and eclipses--Evidence
notwithstanding the destruction of literature in 213 B.C.--
Retrospective calculations of eclipses and complications of
calendars--Eclipse of 776 B.C.--Errors in Confucian history owing
to rival calendars
CHAPTER VI
_THE ARMY_
Paraphernalia of warfare--Ten thousand and one thousand chariot
states--Use of war-chariots leather or wood--Chariots allotted
according to rank--Seventy-five men to one cart--War-chariots date
back to 1800 B.C.--Tartar house-carts--Rivers mostly unnavigable
in north--Introduction of canals and boat traffic--Population and
armies--Vague descriptions--Early armies never exceeded 75000
men--The use of flags--Used in hunting as well as in war--Victims
sacrificed to drums--A modern instance of this in 1900 A.D.
CHAPTER VII
_THE COAST STATES_
The coast states in possession of the Yang-tsz delta--The state of
Wu really of the same origin as the imperial dynasty of Chou--
Comparison with Phoenician colonists--Wu induced by Tsin to attack
Ts'a-Ancient name was _Keugu_--Wu falls into the whirl of
Chinese politics--Confucius and his contemptuous treatment of
barbarians-Lu in South Shan Tung the place where Confucius held
official posts--Great Britain and Duke Confucius--Five ranks for
rulers of vassal states--Sacking of the Ts'u capital by Wu in 506
B.C.--Wu's vassal Yueeh turns against Wu--_Uviet_ the native
name of Yueeh--Bloody wars between Wu and Yiieh--Extinction of Wu
in 483 B.C.--Yueeh was always a coast power--Reasons for
Confucius' endeavours to re-establish the old feudal system
CHAPTER VIII
_FIRST PROTECTOR OF CHINA_
The first Hegemon or Protector of China and his own vassal kingdom
of Ts'i--Limits of Ts'i and ancient course of the Yellow River--
Absence of ancient records--Shiftings of capital in the ninth
century B.C.--Emperor's collapse of 842 and its effect upon Ts'i--
Aid rendered by Ts'i in suppressing the Tartars--Inconsiderable
size of Ts'i--Revenges a judicial murder two centuries old--Rapid
rise of Ts'i and services of the statesman--philosopher Kwan-tsz--
The governing caste in China--Declares self Protector of China 679
B.C.--Tartar raids down to the Yellow River in Ho Nan-Chinese
durbars and the duties of a Protector--Ts'in and Ts'u too far off
or too busy for orthodox durbars--Little is now known of the
puppet Emperor's dominions--Effeminate character of all the
Central Chinese orthodox stales--Fighting instincts all with semi-
Chinese states--Struggle for life becoming keener throughout China
CHAPTER IX
_POSITION OF ENVOYS_
Sanctity of envoys--Rivalry of Tsin north and Ts'u south for
influence over orthodox centre--The state of CHENG (imperial
clan)--The state of Sung (Shang dynasty clan)--Family sacrifices--
Instances of envoy treatment--The philosopher Yen-tsz: his irony--
The statesman Tsz-ch'an of CHENG--Ts'u's barbarous and callous
conduct to envoys--Greed for valuables among high officers--
squabble for precedence at Peace Conference--Confucius manipulates
history--Yen-& and Confucius together at attempted assassination
CHAPTER X
_THE SECOND PROTECTOR_
Death of First Protector and his henchman Kwan-tsz 648-643 B.C.--
Ts'i succession and Sung's claim to Protectorate--Tartar influence
in Ts'i--Ts'u's claim to the hegemony--Ridiculous orthodox
chivalry--Great development of Tsin--A much-married ruler--
Marriage complications--Interesting story of the political
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