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EQUALITY EQUALITY CHARLES DUDLEY WARNER It is sufficient for our purpose to take the well-defined theory of modern times. Whether the ideal republic of Plato was merely a convenient form for philosophical speculation or whether as the greatest authority on political economy in Germany Dr. William Roscher thinks it "was no mere fancy"; whether Plato's notion of the identity of man and the State is compatible with the theory of equality or whether it is as many communists say indispensable to it we need not here discuss. It is true that in his Republic almost all the social theories which have been deduced from the modern proclamation of equality are elaborated. There was to be a community of property and also a community of wives and children. The equality of the sexes was insisted on to the extent of living in common identical education and pursuits equal share in all labors in occupations and in government. Between the sexes there was allowed only one ultimate difference. The Greeks as Professor Jowett says had noble conceptions of womanhood; but Plato's ideal for the sexes had no counterpart in their actual life nor could they have understood the sort of equality upon which he insisted. The same is true of the Romans throughout their history. More than any other Oriental peoples the Egyptians of the Ancient Empire entertained the idea of the equality of the sexes; but the equality of man was not conceived by them. Still less did any notion of it exist in the Jewish state. It was the fashion with the socialists of 1793 as it has been with the international assemblages at Geneva in our own day to trace the genesis of their notions back to the first Christian age. The far-reaching influence of the new gospel in the liberation of the human mind and in promoting just and divinely-ordered relations among men is admitted; its origination of the social and political dogma we are considering is denied. We do not find that Christ himself anywhere expressed it or acted on it. He associated with the lowly the vile the outcast; he taught that all men irrespective of rank or possessions are sinners and in equal need of help. But he attempted no change in the conditions of society. The "communism" of the early Christians was the temporary relation of a persecuted and isolated sect drawn together by common necessities and dangers and by the new enthusiasm of self- surrender. ["The community of goods of the first Christians at Jerusalem so frequently cited and extolled was only a community of use not of ownership (Acts iv. 32) and throughout a voluntary act of love not a duty (v. 4); least of all a right which the poorer might assert. Spite of all this that community of goods produced a chronic state of poverty in the church of Jerusalem." (Principles of Political Economy. By William Roscher. Note to Section LXXXI. English translation. New York: Henry Holt & Co. 1878.)]--Paul announced the universal brotherhood of man but he as clearly recognized the subordination of society in the duties of ruler and subject master and slave and in all the domestic relations; and although his gospel may be interpreted to contain the elements of revolution it is not probable that he undertook to inculcate by the proclamation of "universal brotherhood" anything more than the duty of universal sympathy between all peoples and classes as society then existed. If Christianity has been and is the force in promoting and shaping civilization that we regard it we may be sure that it is not as a political agent or an annuller of the inequalities of life that we are to expect aid from it. Its office or rather one of its chief offices on earth is to diffuse through the world regardless of condition or possessions or talent or opportunity sympathy and a recognition of the value of manhood underlying every lot and every diversity--a value not measured by earthly accidents but by heavenly standards. This we understand to be "Christian equality." Of course it consists with inequalities of condition with subordination discipline obedience; to obey and serve is as honorable as to command and to be served. If the religion of Christ should ever be acclimated on earth the result would not be the removal of hardships and suffering or of the necessity of self-sacrifice; but the bitterness and discontent at unequal conditions would measurably disappear. At the bar of Christianity the poor man is the equal of the rich and the learned of the unlearned since intellectual acquisition is no guarantee of moral worth. The content that Christianity would bring to our perturbed society would come from the practical recognition of the truth that all conditions may be equally honorable. The assertion of the dignity of man and of labor is we imagine the sum and substance of the equality and communism of the New Testament. But we are to remember that this is not merely a "gospel for the poor." Whatever the theories of the ancient world were the development of democratic ideas is sufficiently marked in the fifteenth century and even in the fourteenth to rob the eighteenth of the credit of originating the doctrine of equality. To mention only one of the early writers--[For copious references to authorities on the spread of communistic and socialistic ideas and libertine community of goods and women in four periods of the world's history--namely at the time of the decline of Greece in the degeneration of the Roman republic among the moderns in the age of the Reformation and again in our own day--see Roscher's Political Economy notes to Section LXXIX. et seq.]-- Marsilio a physician of Padua in 1324 said that the laws ought to be ...
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